| Leader | Arvind Kejriwal |
|---|---|
| Founded | 26 November 2012 |
| Headquarters | Ground Floor, A-119,Kaushambi (NCR), Ghaziabad- 201010 |
| Ideology | Swaraj |
| Website | |
| www.aamaadmiparty.org | |
How many of you have heard of Loksatta, a political party in India founded by Jayaprakash Narayan, a former IAS officer and well-known activist from Andhra Pradesh? AAP volunteers during a campaign in Delhi. Firstpost/Naresh Sharma
Started in 1996, Loksatta has been a political party since 2006 and even before it became a political party it had amassed over 30,000 members in the Greater Hyderabad region and over 60,000 members in Andhra Pradesh.
In 2008, the Lok Satta Party ran in the Assembly by-elections for the first time, and was able to secure second place in two of the four seats where it contested, while Jayaprakash Narayan won. Loksatta spread its noble aims to other states and has active chapters in Tamil nadu, Karnataka, Maharashtra, Delhi and UP. Closer home for me in Mumbai, as a movement, it catalysed the formation of a citizens platform that saw India's first citizen nominated candidate win a civic body seat in India's richest civic body, the Mumbai Municipal Corporation, way back in 2007.
Unfortunately that spirit of citizen nominated candidates that Loksatta worked so hard for fizzled away by the next civic elections thanks to infighting.
So clearly, it's not that independent political movements with noble objectives have not been tried before in India. Loksatta is a prime example of an organisation that has done great work for years. But what's happening in Delhi is incredible. With the AAP coming in a clear number two and decimating the Congress, it is for the first time since N T Rama Rao led the TDP to an astounding election win in 1983 that a party formed a year ago has done so incredibly well.
And finally, it also means that if strategies are executed well, what the AAP has done in Delhi can be replicated. Movements like Loksatta that have been slogging for years with pretty much the same objectives as the AAP -- bringing in a citizen-led alternative to current political dispensations that are seen as nepotistic and corrupt and which will not change; be citizen-led and democratic in functioning as opposed to dynastic rule, clearly will see more than a bright ray of hope in AAP's showing.
AAP made it big this time primarily thanks to the genius of Arvind Kejriwal, but also because of other factors like cloud computing, which has removed the need for expensive technology equipment to leverage technology and the power of social media.
Take cloud computing for instance. AAP used a solution called VoiceTree which took away the need to set up a massive call centre to make calls to citizens. Remember, political parties have long used recorded messages through cold calls, but that is eerie and perhaps counter-productive. What VoiceTree did was provide the AAP with the power to make any person, anywhere in the world, a volunteer for the party at a very low cost. A volunteer called a toll-free central number and from there, he/she was connected to a random Delhi number. Once connected, the volunteer could make a personalised sales pitch for AAP, a far more powerful spiel than a canned message. And once made, the called number would be moved to a called database so that every volunteer had a fresh citizen to approach.
Then there's analytics. Political parties in India have used analytics for every seat, segment, etc, trying to figure out what works best at a hyper-local level. But analytics technologies didn't come cheap. Today however, thanks to cloud platforms where a user only pays for the service rather than install compute equipment, expensive software, etc, literally anyone can use analytics and transform raw data into information that is valuable. The power of social media has also changed the game. The AAP no longer needed to go after mainstream media to ensure they carried AAP's viewpoints.
The power of social media ensured that mainstream media had to go after AAP or risk losing relevance. As R Jagannathan argued in the Tarun Tejpal case, the power of mainstream media "...has been shattered by the advent of the social media, with its unfettered ability to set its own agenda on its own terms. No longer is it possible for mainstream media to decide what issues to discuss, and what to brush under the carpet..."
Clearly, much has changed over the past few years since organisations like Loksatta tried to make a difference. There are trends today that surely organisations like Loksatta are looking at closely in order to replicate AAP's success. However, this also means that while AAP became a big hit in Delhi, it may not succeed elsewhere where strong movements already exist, unless of course, the AAP wave is so powerful that all these organisations decide to stand under the Kejriwal umbrella.
And while that may happen in the interest of electoral gains, the lessons from Loksatta's experience cannot be forgotten too. As mentioned earlier, citizen-led movements in Mumbai lost the plot thanks to infighting and grand plans of moving from one victory in 2007 to many victories in 2012 came to naught.
Similarly, with AAP, while I just heard an AAP supporter screaming "Never, never, never!" into a TV camera when asked if they would align with the Congress or the BJP, it's early days yet. Staying the course and navigating the cycle of victory and defeat is something that the traditional political parties are used to, and only time will tell whether AAP's amazing showing in Delhi will result in a countrywide transformation.
But till the time comes when we can make a judgement on that, the beginning has been made and it has been proven that a citizen-led movement can jerk India's cynical urban populace awake. And whether it burns brighter or fizzles out, the age of a real third alternative is here. ALSO SEE Delhi Election live: EC to recognise AAP as a state party Why technology is the wind beneath AAP’s wings Delhi Election Result: AAP office erupts in celebrations RELATED VIDEOS How AAP, Arvind Kejriwal could change the face of Delhi politics Chhattisgarh polls: Raman set to continue as CM, Jogi must wait, says survey Counting day is a time to make election analysis accessible: Rajdeep Sardesai
Read more at: http://www.firstpost.com/politics/aam-aadmi-party-impact-age-of-a-real-third-alternative-is-here-1274245.html?utm_source=ref_article
Delhi election 2013: Six things AAP has changed in politics by R Jagannathan Dec 9, 2013 #Aam Aadmi Party #AAP #Anna Hazare #Arvind Kejriwal #BJP #Chhattisgarh #Congress #Delhi #Delhi Election 2013 #Elections 2013 #Jan Lokpal #Lok Sabha Election 2014 #MP #Narendra Modi #Rajasthan inShare 1 265 CommentsEmailPrint
The assembly elections have yielded their results, but one result will dominate national politics in 2014 – the rise of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) and the prominence of its underlying message. After being denied a clear-cut victory in Delhi, the BJP will be tempted to say that the issues in the national elections will be different, and that Narendra Modi will be a more important factor in April-May 2014. But that would be underestimating the real impact of the AAP, which goes beyond its immediate performance in Delhi.
There are six things that will now inevitably change and if the big parties fail to take note, they will pay a price – as the BJP nearly did in Delhi. All parties will be impacted by the AAP phenomenon.
First, given the importance of the Delhi vote to the national audience, the clear message coming through is that TINA (there is no alternative) is a much over-rated factor in elections. Till yesterday, you had to think of the Congress and the BJP as the most viable alternatives to each other, both in Delhi and nationally. AAP has proved that a third option is possible – even if it does not win. In many states, there are third and fourth parties that can now combine with AAP and queer the pitch for the national parties. This means all parties have to rethink their strategies. Arvind Kejriwal. AFP.
Second, Delhi is not just any other state. Its citizens come from all over north India, and how they voted may impact decisions back in their home states. Pollsters will have to figure out how Biharis, UP-ites and Dalits voted in Delhi, since it could point to potential shifts back home too.
Third, AAP is setting the agenda for clean politics. After the results, all parties have to begin wondering whether they can win with the sheer number of criminals in their midst. This is particularly true of the states of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, which will be decisive for all parties in 2014. All parties will have to, at the very least, reduce the number of criminals and corrupt candidates the next time. Trying to do this can result in short-term revolts within parties, but some parties may consider this well worth the risk.
Fourth, while AAP is not a national force as yet, and its mobilising powers may not be as strong in other states as in Delhi, the fact is national elections are won with wafer-thin majorities. In UP, the party winning 30 percent of the vote takes the bulk of the seats. This is the same in almost every state. What this means is that if the AAP is able to garner even 2-5 percent of the popular vote, even if it doesn’t win, it will impact the election results.
Example: In Maharashtra, the mere existence of Raj Thackeray’s MNS has robbed the Sena-BJP combine of possible victory at least twice. In Andhra, Chiranjeevi’s Praja Rajyam (now merged with the Congress) took away a chunk of the vote and enabled YS Rajasekhara Reddy to make a clear sweep in 2009. This time, the Andhra Pradesh vote may be even more unpredictable in view of the Telangana factor. Small players can make a huge difference. This is why AAP could conceivably change the landscape for 2014 even if it does not win a single seat.
Fifth, for the BJP in particular, the current strategy centering around the incompetence of the central government will have to be nuanced and possibly reworked. It will have to take note of the new kid – on the block, and the new issues he is bringing to the fore. It is no longer possible to pit Narendra Modi against Rahul Gandhi and hope for a walkover. Given the high media savviness of AAP and the likelihood of the party getting more national play on the media in the coming months, one cannot rule out the possibility of the focus shifting to larger issues beyond the Congress’ incompetence. In this scenario, Modi’s pitch may need altering.
Sixth, the Muslim vote is going to matter to all parties this time – even more than usual. For the last few years now, several Muslim parties have been coming to the forefront – from Assam (AUDF) to Maharashtra (MIM, Welfare Party) to West Bengal (Welfare Party, Social Democratic Party), and Uttar Pradesh (Peace Party). In last year’s Jangipur Lok Sabha bypoll, for example, Pranab Mukherjee’s son Abhijit barely squeaked through as two Muslim parties cut into his vote. The Welfare Party of India and the Social Democratic Party of India (SDPI) polled 41,620 and 24,691 votes, while the Congress won by a mere 2,500 votes.
With the AAM in play, it is not inconceivable that new alliances will be formed, for there is now strong evidence that Muslims are tired of voting for Congress and some of the regional parties (Samajwadi) merely to keep the BJP away. In Delhi too, a significant chuck of Muslims may have voted for AAP.
The systemic impact of the Aam Aadmi Party will thus go far beyond what its own immediate prospects indicate. And this is what could prove very important in 2014.
Read more at: http://www.firstpost.com/politics/delhi-election-2013-six-things-aap-has-changed-in-politics-1273829.html?utm_source=ref_article
AAP’s surge akin to debut of Telegu Desam AGP, 3 decades ago
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NEW DELHI, DEC. 8:
The Arvind Kejriwal-led Aam Aadmi Party’s surge in Delhi barely a year after its formation is reminiscent of the victory of AGP and TDP in Assam and Andhra Pradesh respectively three decades ago.
In 1983, the late N.T. Rama Rao’s TDP stormed to power within nine months of its formation, forming the first non-Congress government in Andhra Pradesh.
Rama Rao, the Telugu movie superstar, exploited the Telugu pride card to the hilt in the wake of Rajiv Gandhi publicly insulting Chief Minister T. Anjaiah.
Incidentally, TDP also achieved the rare distinction of being the first regional party to become the main Opposition party in the Lok Sabha in the polls held in the wake of assassination of Indira Gandhi.
While BJP had won only two seats all over the country, TDP won 33 seats from Andhra Pradesh.
The party has ruled Andhra Pradesh twice from 1983 to 1989 and then from 1994 to 2004.
In 1985, in Assam the newly-formed AGP came to power under Prafulla Kumar Mahanta on the foreigners’ issue which had been rattling the Assamese people.
Mahanta became the youngest Chief Minister in the country at the age of 33 in the wake of the six-year peaceful democratic movement in Assam.
In the December 1985 assembly polls, it won 67 of the 126 seats apart from capturing seven of the 14 Lok Sabha seats.
Aam Aadmi Party’s 45-year-old Kejriwal has done virtually the impossible by turning the polls in the national capital into a triangular affair and relegating Congress to the third position.
He achieved this feat virtually within a year of its formation in November, 2012 by raising the issues of transparency.
The key agenda items of the AAP are Jan Lokpal Bill, right to reject, right to recall and political decentralisation.
A former Income Tax official, Kejriwal came into prominence, especially in Delhi, when Anna Hazare launched an agitation on the Lokpal issue.
AAP has already declared that it is not a Delhi-centric party. “After the Delhi polls you will see us being more active outside Delhi.... We certainly plan to go nationwide for the Lok Sabha polls,” Kejriwal’s party has said.
(This article was published on December 8, 2013)
Keywords: Arvind Kejriwal, Aam Aadmi Party, Delhi assembly elections,
Assembly election result: Modi can’t ignore Kejriwal’s AAP anymore by R Jagannathan Dec 8, 2013 #AAP #Arvind Kejriwal #BJP #Congress #Elections 2014 #Narendra Modi #PoliticsDecoder inShare 111 CommentsEmailPrint
Even as we are mid-way through the election result trends in the four major assemblies of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, and Delhi, the broad trend seems to be thumping wins for the BJP in the first two, a challenging revival of the Congress in Chhattisgarh (though a win can’t be predicted for either party at this time), and a spectacular debut by the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) in Delhi, which will probably rob the BJP of a clear majority.
But some broad conclusions can clearly be drawn from these trends – regardless of what the final seat count numbers are in these four states.
First, the pollsters appear to have got it more or less right – even in Chhattisgarh and Delhi, where there was a tight race on. Their predictions are well within the margins of error they had predicted. Modi .PTI Second, the biggest victor is clearly AAP, which has not only gatecrashed the Delhi election scene in one fell swoop, but also established the viability of new parties in politics if they have a strong message of idealism and the ability to channel and organise public support effectively. The interesting thing about AAP is not that it has made waves so quickly after formation—regional parties like Telugu Desam have done that before—but that it is largely an urban party, driven by the middle and lower-middle classes. It heralds the change that urban India is seeking in politics. Third, while it is true that assembly election results cannot be extrapolated to decide how national elections may pan out—both Delhi and Chhattisgarh may vote differently in 2014—what is clear is that the Congress is on a slippery slope. It will surely make course corrections and try and pull back, but from now on the momentum is in the other direction. Fourth, the resounding defeat of Ashok Gehlot in Rajasthan and the close fight in Chhattisgarh indicate that freebies are not a sure way to win elections. Gehlot, in his last year, has been flooding Rajasthan with freebies (food, health, etc). Raman Singh in Chhattisgarh has been widely lauded for his cheap rice scheme. Sheila Dikshit's Delhi also announced the launch of the food security scheme before the elections. But barring dirt-poor Chhattisgarh, it seems that using taxpayer money to buy votes is not any more a critical factor in elections. At best, these schemes may accentuate an existing trend. Fifth, the Narendra Modi factor will be discussed endlessly, with his critics pointing to what happened in Delhi, and his backers talking about the sweep in Rajasthan and MP, and the creditable performance in Delhi and Chhattisgarh. The reality is somewhere in between. While Chhattisgarh was probably fought totally on local issues, Rajasthan—which adjoins Gujarat—clearly benefited from Modi’s extensive campaigning even though Vasundhara Raje could possibly have won even without Modi. What Modi’s campaigning achieved was probably a sharper sweep for the BJP in Rajasthan. In Madhya Pradesh, Shivraj Singh Chouhan clearly carried the day, and Modi may not have added much to the tally—though one can’t say that conclusively. In Delhi, if the BJP crosses 30-32 seats, one can say Modi probably prevented AAP from emerging as the biggest party—which it could well have. In short, Modi made a difference – but it would be fair to say that the local elections could not have been won purely by him. In the national elections, though, he may be a bigger factor, and this is what the BJP will be hoping for. Fifth, the AAP victory is also a warning signal to regional parties. Thus far, all commentators have been glibly telling the BJP that in the states where regional parties are strong, the BJP may not be able to make much headway. But AAP is an idea, and the regional parties do not necessarily have a better image than the Congress or BJP in their states. If AAP becomes a factor in metros such as Mumbai and many state capitals, one can’t rule out a dent in the regional vote too. The regional parties have only one differentiator from the national parties – being closer to local issues, and being able to choose their own leaders. With AAP in the fray, they too will have to rethink their strategy. They can’t afford to make the BJP’s mistake of underestimating the challenge from AAP till just a month before the Delhi election, when they changed their chief ministerial candidate. The BJP now has to reckon not only with the Congress, but also a freshly-minted party (AAP) in the urban areas. Even though the Delhi exit polls showed a high overlap between AAP and Modi supporters, given six more months, and the announcement by AAP that it will contest in many more places, the BJP will have to change its messaging if it is to contain the damage from AAP. If the anti-incumbency vote is split, one cannot expect the Modi additional vote alone to deliver victory for the BJP/NDA. The Congress has been given a shock, but it now has time to set things right. Four months is enough time to change its message and candidates. And the message clearly cannot be freebies and the Gandhi family. It has now nothing to lose by dumping all its old and doubtful candidates and trying new faces with less anti-incumbency problems. The Congress can make a small comeback if the Dynasty takes a back seat and instead allows local leaders to come to the fore, fully empowered. The regional parties will have to take note of the recent election results. There are small city-based parties already in existence—like the Loksatta Party in Andhra Pradesh—and it would make sense for them to align with AAP. A state like Andhra Pradesh, which is already in the throes of political crisis due to the Telangana issue, may be just ripe for an interloper like AAP-Loksatta to overturn all conventional logic significantly. Most important, while negative campaigning worked for AAP—it had no record to defend—the BJP and regional parties have to make a positive pitch for themselves. The BJP remains the frontrunner, but it will have to rethink its old gameplan of only targeting the Congress with the Modi aura. The Modi aura at the national level is unmistakeable, and like AAP, he too will benefit from being an outsider to Delhi, but he can't afford to ignore either the regional parties or AAP. In short, all bets are off for 2014.
Read more at: http://www.firstpost.com/politics/assembly-election-result-why-modi-cant-ignore-kejriwals-aap-anymore-1273807.html?utm_source=ref_article
Assembly election result: Modi can’t ignore Kejriwal’s AAP anymore by R Jagannathan Dec 8, 2013 #AAP #Arvind Kejriwal #BJP #Congress #Elections 2014 #Narendra Modi #PoliticsDecoder inShare 111 CommentsEmailPrint
Even as we are mid-way through the election result trends in the four major assemblies of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, and Delhi, the broad trend seems to be thumping wins for the BJP in the first two, a challenging revival of the Congress in Chhattisgarh (though a win can’t be predicted for either party at this time), and a spectacular debut by the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) in Delhi, which will probably rob the BJP of a clear majority.
But some broad conclusions can clearly be drawn from these trends – regardless of what the final seat count numbers are in these four states.
First, the pollsters appear to have got it more or less right – even in Chhattisgarh and Delhi, where there was a tight race on. Their predictions are well within the margins of error they had predicted. Modi .PTI Second, the biggest victor is clearly AAP, which has not only gatecrashed the Delhi election scene in one fell swoop, but also established the viability of new parties in politics if they have a strong message of idealism and the ability to channel and organise public support effectively. The interesting thing about AAP is not that it has made waves so quickly after formation—regional parties like Telugu Desam have done that before—but that it is largely an urban party, driven by the middle and lower-middle classes. It heralds the change that urban India is seeking in politics. Third, while it is true that assembly election results cannot be extrapolated to decide how national elections may pan out—both Delhi and Chhattisgarh may vote differently in 2014—what is clear is that the Congress is on a slippery slope. It will surely make course corrections and try and pull back, but from now on the momentum is in the other direction. Fourth, the resounding defeat of Ashok Gehlot in Rajasthan and the close fight in Chhattisgarh indicate that freebies are not a sure way to win elections. Gehlot, in his last year, has been flooding Rajasthan with freebies (food, health, etc). Raman Singh in Chhattisgarh has been widely lauded for his cheap rice scheme. Sheila Dikshit's Delhi also announced the launch of the food security scheme before the elections. But barring dirt-poor Chhattisgarh, it seems that using taxpayer money to buy votes is not any more a critical factor in elections. At best, these schemes may accentuate an existing trend. Fifth, the Narendra Modi factor will be discussed endlessly, with his critics pointing to what happened in Delhi, and his backers talking about the sweep in Rajasthan and MP, and the creditable performance in Delhi and Chhattisgarh. The reality is somewhere in between. While Chhattisgarh was probably fought totally on local issues, Rajasthan—which adjoins Gujarat—clearly benefited from Modi’s extensive campaigning even though Vasundhara Raje could possibly have won even without Modi. What Modi’s campaigning achieved was probably a sharper sweep for the BJP in Rajasthan. In Madhya Pradesh, Shivraj Singh Chouhan clearly carried the day, and Modi may not have added much to the tally—though one can’t say that conclusively. In Delhi, if the BJP crosses 30-32 seats, one can say Modi probably prevented AAP from emerging as the biggest party—which it could well have. In short, Modi made a difference – but it would be fair to say that the local elections could not have been won purely by him. In the national elections, though, he may be a bigger factor, and this is what the BJP will be hoping for. Fifth, the AAP victory is also a warning signal to regional parties. Thus far, all commentators have been glibly telling the BJP that in the states where regional parties are strong, the BJP may not be able to make much headway. But AAP is an idea, and the regional parties do not necessarily have a better image than the Congress or BJP in their states. If AAP becomes a factor in metros such as Mumbai and many state capitals, one can’t rule out a dent in the regional vote too. The regional parties have only one differentiator from the national parties – being closer to local issues, and being able to choose their own leaders. With AAP in the fray, they too will have to rethink their strategy. They can’t afford to make the BJP’s mistake of underestimating the challenge from AAP till just a month before the Delhi election, when they changed their chief ministerial candidate. The BJP now has to reckon not only with the Congress, but also a freshly-minted party (AAP) in the urban areas. Even though the Delhi exit polls showed a high overlap between AAP and Modi supporters, given six more months, and the announcement by AAP that it will contest in many more places, the BJP will have to change its messaging if it is to contain the damage from AAP. If the anti-incumbency vote is split, one cannot expect the Modi additional vote alone to deliver victory for the BJP/NDA. The Congress has been given a shock, but it now has time to set things right. Four months is enough time to change its message and candidates. And the message clearly cannot be freebies and the Gandhi family. It has now nothing to lose by dumping all its old and doubtful candidates and trying new faces with less anti-incumbency problems. The Congress can make a small comeback if the Dynasty takes a back seat and instead allows local leaders to come to the fore, fully empowered. The regional parties will have to take note of the recent election results. There are small city-based parties already in existence—like the Loksatta Party in Andhra Pradesh—and it would make sense for them to align with AAP. A state like Andhra Pradesh, which is already in the throes of political crisis due to the Telangana issue, may be just ripe for an interloper like AAP-Loksatta to overturn all conventional logic significantly. Most important, while negative campaigning worked for AAP—it had no record to defend—the BJP and regional parties have to make a positive pitch for themselves. The BJP remains the frontrunner, but it will have to rethink its old gameplan of only targeting the Congress with the Modi aura. The Modi aura at the national level is unmistakeable, and like AAP, he too will benefit from being an outsider to Delhi, but he can't afford to ignore either the regional parties or AAP. In short, all bets are off for 2014.
Read more at: http://www.firstpost.com/politics/assembly-election-result-why-modi-cant-ignore-kejriwals-aap-anymore-1273807.html?utm_source=ref_article
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