Germany’s anti-Islamic movement Pegida is a vampire we must slay
As suspicion of Muslims grows in Germany and France, the danger of a vicious spiral is palpable. We need to counter this xenophobia now – before it is too late
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No, no, surely not. On top of everything else, not that. Three days beforea young Eritrean was murdered in Dresden, a swastika was daubed on the door of his flat. On the evening he was stabbed to death, last Monday, the xenophobic movement already known around the world asPegida had held its largest demonstration so far in that lovely city on the River Elbe. And it’s not just Germany. As a foiled Islamist terrorist plot in Belgium follows hard on the heels of the Charlie Hebdo massacre in Paris, politicians on the xenophobic, anti-immigration far right are looking to pick up votes across Europe. There is a real and present danger of a downward spiral in which radicalised minorities, Muslim and anti-Muslim, will drag anxious majorities, non-Muslim and Muslim, in the wrong direction. Only a conscious, everyday effort by each one of us will prevent it.
The Dresden case is fortunately, thus far, not typical of Germany as a whole. Dresden sits at the scenic heart of a quite unusual corner of the former East Germany. Unlike most big west German cities, it has a low level of immigration, and little experience of living with cultural difference. In communist times, this corner was known as the “valley of the clueless”, because its inhabitants could not receive West German television broadcasts. Reports suggest that, so far, most of the participants in the Pegida demos have been middle-aged, and therefore shaped by a sheltered life in the old East Germany.
Since unification, Saxony has seen an unusually high vote for far-right parties, including a shocking 9.2% for the NPD (Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands) in state parliament elections in 2004.
The protesters have taken the 1989 velvet revolutionary chant of Wir sind das Volk and given it a quite different meaning: not “We are the people”, aspiring to democratic self-determination, but “We are the Volk”, ethnically defined, as in the mouth of Adolf Hitler. The very title of the movement breathes a certain anachronism. Pegida stands for Patriotische Europäer Gegen die Islamisierung des Abendlandes, usually translated as Patriotic Europeans against the Islamisation of the west.
But the word Abendland is a strikingly old-fashioned one, meaning literally “evening land” (ie where the sun sets). It was used by Oswald Spengler in his monumental post-first world war tract of German cultural pessimism, Der Untergang des Abendlandes, only weakly translated as The Decline of the West. “Patriotic Europeans” also has an odd mix of cultural coyness and assertiveness. God help us, you feel they almost want to say Christians; oh yes, and white – white with brown edges.
And who, may we ask, are the unpatriotic Europeans? One of Pegida’s organisers, Thomas Tallacker, posted on Facebook in 2013: “What should we do with the 90% uneducated hordes that milk welfare here and bleed our social state dry?” And, after a local knife attack: “Surely it was again a deranged or half-starved Ramadan Turk.” For years, Tallacker was a member of the city council in the famous porcelain-manufacturing town of Meissen, representing Angela Merkel’s party, the Christian Democratic Union.
Back in Paris, Jean-Marie Le Pen last week tweeted, in English: “Keep Calm and vote Le Pen”. The fact that the friendly, polite Muslim guy who delivered pizza (as one of the Kouachi brothers did) turns out to be an Islamist assassin is bound to increase suspicion of Muslims among so-called ordinary people. British mosques and Islamic centres have reported a sharp increase in threatening messages. According to a study commissioned by the Bertelsmann Foundation, a shocking 57% of non-Muslim Germans now see Islam as a threat.
And there are plenty of politicians, journalists and rabble-rousers around to stir that suspicion. Ukip’s Nigel Farage has even talked of a “fifth column” amid his English folk. (Or is that Volk?)
This in turn will produce more anxiety among European Muslims and, if we are not careful, more radicalisation among a small minority of them. Ironically enough, Monday’s Pegida demonstration has been called off after what appears to be a Jihadist threat to one of its leaders. The symptoms of radicalisation include an increase in antisemitic attacks, which now seem to come more from extreme Muslims than from old-fashioned “patriotic European”, swastika-daubing antisemites. It is horrifying to hear French Jews, members of one of the largest and oldest Jewish populations in Europe, saying that they no longer feel safe in France. Such antisemitic attacks feed into more suspicion and fear of Muslims, which in turn …
How do we stop the vicious downward spiral? Traditionally, European parties of the centre-right such as the CDU and the Conservatives have tacked to the right to win back such voters.
Up to a point, that is legitimate. But beyond that point you have to do what Chancellor Merkel has now done and say: enough – thus far and no further. The messages delivered by politicians are important. So are those we hear from religious leaders, and the way these stories are covered by the media. But in the end, it’s down to us, the citizens. The great French historian Ernest Renan wrote that a nation is a “daily plebiscite”. On the Sunday after the Charlie Hebdo attacks, more than 3 million people on the streets of France gave a magnificent example of how a great European nation – indeed, let me say as an Englishman, the quintessential great European nation – responds to such a challenge. Muslim Frenchmen and Frenchwomen handed out white roses to their fellow Jewish, Christian and atheist fellow citoyens andcitoyennes. Then they stood together to sing the Marseillaise, the world’s most stirring national anthem.
But that was just one Sunday. It is on all the other days, the workdays and grey days, that the struggle to make a Europe of civic, inclusive nations will be won or lost. When he came back from the Paris unity demonstration, David Cameron singled out a placard he had seen. It read Je suis Charlie, Je suis flic, Je suis Juif (I am Charlie, I am a copper, I am a Jew). There is one line missing from that list: Je suis Ahmed. For one of the policemen murdered by the Kouachi brothers was a Muslim Frenchman called Ahmed. #Je suis Ahmed emerged as a hashtag on Twitter to complement, not to rival, #Je suis Charlie, and I immediately started using it as well.
While never compromising on the essentials of an open society, including free speech, we non-Muslim Europeans must keep sending these small signals to our Muslim fellow Europeans, both online and in our everyday personal interactions. The best signal of all is the one that indicates no explicit signal is necessary. This is what happens most of the time in a city like London: you just take it as given that Muslim British people are as much Brits as anyone else – that in truth there is no “they”, just a larger, gloriously mixed and muddled “us”. That is how we will win the plebiscite every day. And that is how we will see off a vampire called Pegida.
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